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Pastoral mobility is not random: Debunking some common misconceptions from the Hindu Kush Himalaya

As we celebrate 2026 as the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists, it is important that we confront some commonly held misconceptions about mobile pastoralism.
Published: 19 Mar, 2026
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⏲ 9 minutes Read

Pastoralism is a perfect example of adaptation to highly variable environments. In the Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH), mountain transhumance or agropastoralism is not only a way of life and a source of livelihood but also plays an important role in shaping and maintaining landscapes and biodiversity, particularly in high elevation areas. Pastoral mobility (transhumance) is the seasonal, rules-based movement of herders and livestock between grazing areas to balance pasture recovery, water access, and climate risk. Mobility is central to its resilience and sustainability. This traditional practice underpins biodiversity conservation and strengthens water and climate resilience. At present, pastoral mobility faces intensifying pressures ranging from land fragmentation, infrastructure expansion, protected area formation, border restrictions, climate extremes and shifting markets. Yet the importance of pastoral mobility and the challenges it faces remain poorly understood – and often misunderstood.

In this blog, we address five common misconceptions to explain why mobility is not “backward” or “random” but a smart system that deserves better policy and planning support.

Sheep herding in Guthichaur Jumla Ramesh Timilsina
Sheep herding in Guthichaur, Jumla. Photo: Ramesh Timilsina/ICIMOD

Misconception 1: Empty mountains

To a distant observer, high-altitude rangelands of the HKH appear as vast wilderness, endless expanses of rock, alpine meadows and shrubberies, seemingly abandoned by time, with little to no life. But if we look closer, this illusion shatters. The landscape is not empty; it is as vibrant as any forested landscape, shaped and conserved by some of the most sophisticated and dynamic land use systems on Earth (Figure 1).

It is pastoral communities’ intentional adaptation to mountain topography and seasonality that allows communities to thrive where sedentary agriculture fails. By moving in sync with the pulse of the seasons, pastoralists ensure the survival of both their herds and the fragile ecosystems they call home. As pastoralists move their yaks, sheep, and goats through the mountains, hidden ecosystem interactions play out – snow leopards, bears, wild dogs and wolves trail the herds, maintaining the ancient balance between predator and prey.

The landscape and biological diversity are staggering. In the Tibetan plateau alone, 26 altitudinal belts, 28 spectra of altitudinal belts, 12,000 species of vascular plants, 5,000 species of epiphytes, 210 species of mammals, and 532 species of birds have been recorded. Species and communities are unevenly distributed and, even if we don’t immediately see them, they are present. Genetic and ecological studies report that the Plateau supports over 14 million domestic yak. They are distributed across Tibet, Qinghai, and neighbouring highland pastoral regions, where they are raised for milk, meat, fibre, and draught power.

‏Figure1
Figure 1: Approximate distribution of yak-based pastoral systems across the HKH

Misconception 2: The “democracy” of livestock wealth

In most sedentary societies, wealth, usually in the form of land, concentrates in the hands of elites. History shows that pastoralist societies were no different: for example, in Bhutan's high-altitude rangelands, historical inequity was created when wealthy individuals could afford to purchase rangeland rights in the 1960s while actual herders could not, leading to persistent absentee landlordism.

Figure2
Figure 2: Strong correlation between herder household numbers and total yak population across various districts of Bhutan (Source: ICIMOD 2024 rangeland survey in Bhutan, unpublished)

However, current data from Bhutan on pastoralism suggests a remarkably different social architecture among yak herders. Statistical analysis of district level yak herding household counts and yak populations reveals a "strong linear correlation" (Figure 2). This isn't just a dry statistic; it is evidence of a social levelling mechanism. Here, the data shows that the primary assets of the economy, the animals, are not hoarded by a few "land barons" while others struggle. Instead, the pastoral system operates on a structure where livestock wealth is distributed relatively evenly. This equitable distribution prevents the stark class divides common in sedentary agricultural systems, making the entire community more resilient to shocks.

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A mixed herd of yak, goats and sheep grazing in winter pasture in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China. Photo: Wu Ning/ICIMOD

Misconception 3: Pastoralism degrades nature

While we hunt for high-tech climate fixes, an ancient "Nature-based Solution" (NbS) is the default land use in the mountains. Transhumance: the seasonal cycling of grazing areas is a masterclass in ecological timing (Figure 3).

In many high-altitude rangelands, productivity depends on rest and rotation periods of grazing, followed by recovery. Critics often mistakenly argue that moving large herds is inherently damaging. But, many studies have shown that grazing by livestock is associated with increased plant diversity and greater productivity compared to areas without grazing. This agro-pastoral mobility is the primary engine of mountain sustainability. In the HKH, pastoralism is not a fading relic; it is a sophisticated socio-ecological system that provides the blueprint for resilience in a warming world – and in areas on the frontlines of this change, due to elevation dependent warming. Pastoral mobility is a proven, high-functioning nature-based solution. This does not mean all grazing is beneficial everywhere; outcomes depend on stocking rates, timing, pasture condition, and governance.

Figure3
Figure 3: Average seasonal altitudinal range (in masl) of yak mobility in Bhutan (Source: ICIMOD 2024 rangeland survey in Bhutan, unpublished)

By practicing transhumance, the seasonal rotation between summer and winter pastures, herders prevent soil exhaustion and biodiversity loss that accompany overgrazing. This allows for critical "vegetation recovery," ensuring that when a herd returns to the grazing parcel the following year, the land has had time to breathe and rebuild its nutrient cycle. This practice aligns with the intermediate disturbance hypothesis in ecology, which suggests that moderate, periodic grazing – neither too intense nor absent – maintains the highest biodiversity by preventing both competitive exclusion by dominant plant species and degradation from overuse. Think of it like pruning a garden: moderate grazing stimulates new growth and prevents a few aggressive plant species from taking over the entire pasture. As one campaign message for the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists 2026 shared online puts it: “Pastoral mobility isn't just tradition; it's the lifeline of sustainable rangelands and thriving pastoral economies.”

Misconception 4: Pastoral “commons” are free-for-all

There is a huge misconception that shared grazing lands are “open access” areas where anyone can graze anything without restraint. This “tragedy of the commons” narrative is frequently used to justify top-down, restrictive land use policies. The myth persists because the absence of fences is mistaken for the absence of rules.

But the reality is that these are highly sophisticated governance systems based on centuries of reciprocity and negotiation. Customary institutions coordinate timing, resolve conflicts, and ensure the land is not overused. When modern law ignores these customary institutions, it does more than just erase culture.  It can physically degrade the land. As another IYRP message summarises: “Pastoral commons are not open access. They are carefully governed through reciprocity, negotiation, and efficient collective action."

In Nepal, the Tamang of Gatlang practice a customary governance system known as Choko, which manages social, cultural, religious, and agropastoralism affairs in the community. The Choko, normally a male leader, serves as the community governor and is selected annually based on leadership competency and community consensus. This leader holds the highest authority within the community to enforce customary laws, resolve conflicts, and regulate the seasonal movement of herds to ensure the sustainable and equitable use of pasture resources for all members.

In India, specifically within Ladakh, the Goba system functions as the primary governance structure for high-altitude pastures. The Goba, or village headman, coordinates seasonal migrations and appoints monitors known as Lorapas to track livestock movements; this prevents overgrazing of village-adjacent lands and minimizes conflicts between pastoralists and sedentary farmers. In Bhutan, pastoralism revolves around Tsamdro management, a traditional system of grazing rights documented through historical royal edicts (Kashos). Herders practice a strict transhumance cycle, moving yaks between alpine and lower-altitude pastures to exploit seasonal forage efficiently while maintaining the ecological balance of the fragile mountain landscape.

In Pakistan, the Jirga (council of elders) remains the central institution for managing communal rangelands in places like Chitral. These councils enforce rotational grazing schedules and settle territorial disputes between migratory herders and local settlers, using traditional ecological knowledge to govern natural resources without formal state intervention.

Misconception 5: Water is plentiful

It is a bitter irony: the HKH is known as the “water tower of Asia”, yet for the pastoralists who live there, the reality is different. Traditional water sources have either dried up or are rapidly receding. Beyond climate stress, herders face heightened water stress, attributed to reduced precipitation and a delay of 15–20 days in the onset of the monsoon.

The responses from herders in Bhutan paint a startling picture of water insecurity on the “roof of the world”. According to an ICIMOD survey of 1,784 grazing areas in Bhutan (2024), 82% (1,474) of herders reported having "water-related issues” as one of the major concerns in the grazing areas they that have been using traditionally.

The situation in the Indian Himalaya is similar. According to the 2017–2018 census by the Ministry of Jal Shakti, Government of India, around 23% of water bodies in the state of Jammu and Kashmir have dried up and are considered beyond restoration. In Nepal too, yak herders from Panchthar in the east to Jumla in the west, report severe seasonal water stress.

Therefore, in the mountains, from where our mighty Asian rivers originate, pastoralists face water scarcity. To bridge this gap, policy interventions must pivot toward decentralised, climate-resilient water infrastructure and high-altitude spring monitoring and restoration that specifically prioritise water access for pastoralists. Investing in these "at-the-source" solutions such as restored water points and negotiated rights is essential to ensuring that the very communities safeguarding the headwaters of the mighty Asian rivers are not the first to go thirsty.

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Yaks graze in a high-altitude pasture in Laya, Bhutan. Photo: Jitendra Raj Bajracharya/ICIMOD

A final thought

As we mark 2026 as the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists (IYRP), it is important that we confront these misconceptions about mobile pastoralism.

Pastoralism is the heartbeat of the high mountains, and it is mobility that keeps this heartbeat strong. To sustain this vital rhythm, governments and regional institutions need to reexamine restrictive land-use policies and enable the move towards collaborative frameworks that protect the mobility, land, and water rights of these mountain guardians – so that the rangelands remain vibrant and resilient for generations to come.

Author(s)

Senior Rangeland Associate, ICIMOD

Remote Sensing and Geo Information Analyst, ICIMOD

Ecosystem Specialist, ICIMOD

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